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Word of the Decade: ‘Unsustainable’
This is, in part, why Ryan should run. His time is now.
Rep. Paul Ryan was at the summit, soldiering on. His main problem on Medicare is that people fear the complexities and demands of a new delivery system.
People who draw up legislation, people capable of mastering the facts of the huge and complicated federal budget, often think other people are just like them. It’s almost sweet. But normal people don’t wear green eyeshades. Republicans think people will say, when presented with new options for coverage, “Oh good, another way to express my freedom! I can study health insurance now and get a policy that will benefit not only me but our long-term solvency!” But normal people are more likely to sit slouched at the kitchen table with their head in their hands. “Oh no, another big decision, another headache, 50 calls to an insurance company, another go-round with the passive-aggressive phone answerer who, even though she’s never met me, calls me Freddy as she puts me on hold.”
Republicans believe government gives insufficient respect to the ability of people to decide things for themselves, and that’s true. But it’s also true that normal humans don’t relish making informed decisions about things they’re not sure of, and that carry big personal implications.
Here’s the great thing about Medicare: You turn 65 and it’s there. They give you a card and the nurse takes it.
Supporters of Mr. Ryan’s Medicare plan must talk very specifically about how this would all work, and why it would make your life better, not worse. They also have to make two things clearer. One is that if nothing is done to change Medicare, the system will collapse. You’ll give the card to the nurse and she’ll laugh: “We don’t take that anymore.” This already happens in doctors offices. Without reform it will happen more often.
Democrats, on the other hand, should be forced to answer a question. If you oppose the highly specific Ryan plan, fine, but tell us your specific proposal. How will you save Medicare? Will you let it die?
If Obama economic adviser Gene Sperling’s presentation at the summit was indicative of White House strategy, then we’re in trouble. Because that strategy comes down to windy and manipulative statements about how “we’re all in this together” but GOP proposals “will lead to millions of children . . . losing their coverage.” He added: “We are not criticizing their plan, we are explaining it.”
It is a long time since I’ve seen such transparent demagoguery, such determined dodging. It’s obvious the White House political plan for 2012 is this: The Democrats will call for fiscal discipline and offer no specifics or good-faith starting points. They will leave the Republicans to be specific, and then let them be hanged with their candor. Democrats will speak not of what they’ll do but only of what they would never do, such as throw grandma out in the snow. In honeyed tones, Mr. Sperling said both parties should “hold hands and jump together,” like Butch and Sundance. But it was clear Sundance was going to stop at the edge of the cliff and hope Butch gets broken on the rocks.
People who draw up legislation, people capable of mastering the facts of the huge and complicated federal budget, often think other people are just like them. It’s almost sweet. But normal people don’t wear green eyeshades. Republicans think people will say, when presented with new options for coverage, “Oh good, another way to express my freedom! I can study health insurance now and get a policy that will benefit not only me but our long-term solvency!” But normal people are more likely to sit slouched at the kitchen table with their head in their hands. “Oh no, another big decision, another headache, 50 calls to an insurance company, another go-round with the passive-aggressive phone answerer who, even though she’s never met me, calls me Freddy as she puts me on hold.”
Republicans believe government gives insufficient respect to the ability of people to decide things for themselves, and that’s true. But it’s also true that normal humans don’t relish making informed decisions about things they’re not sure of, and that carry big personal implications.
Here’s the great thing about Medicare: You turn 65 and it’s there. They give you a card and the nurse takes it.
Supporters of Mr. Ryan’s Medicare plan must talk very specifically about how this would all work, and why it would make your life better, not worse. They also have to make two things clearer. One is that if nothing is done to change Medicare, the system will collapse. You’ll give the card to the nurse and she’ll laugh: “We don’t take that anymore.” This already happens in doctors offices. Without reform it will happen more often.
Democrats, on the other hand, should be forced to answer a question. If you oppose the highly specific Ryan plan, fine, but tell us your specific proposal. How will you save Medicare? Will you let it die?
If Obama economic adviser Gene Sperling’s presentation at the summit was indicative of White House strategy, then we’re in trouble. Because that strategy comes down to windy and manipulative statements about how “we’re all in this together” but GOP proposals “will lead to millions of children . . . losing their coverage.” He added: “We are not criticizing their plan, we are explaining it.”
It is a long time since I’ve seen such transparent demagoguery, such determined dodging. It’s obvious the White House political plan for 2012 is this: The Democrats will call for fiscal discipline and offer no specifics or good-faith starting points. They will leave the Republicans to be specific, and then let them be hanged with their candor. Democrats will speak not of what they’ll do but only of what they would never do, such as throw grandma out in the snow. In honeyed tones, Mr. Sperling said both parties should “hold hands and jump together,” like Butch and Sundance. But it was clear Sundance was going to stop at the edge of the cliff and hope Butch gets broken on the rocks.